Skånes stenskulptur under 1100-talet


Skånes stenskulptur under 1100-talet
Authors Erik Cinthio & Gérard Franceschi (Asger Jorn editor)
Publisher Privately published
Publishing date 1965

Skånes stenskulptur under 1100-talet (Skåne's Stone Sculpture During the 12th Century) is a book written in Swedish by Erik Cinthio, with photography by Gérard Franceschi and arrangement by Asger Jorn. The book is a photographic documentation of stone sculpture from the 12th century with a focus on the Skåne region of southern Sweden. Cinthio includes historical essays and Jorn provides artistic framing of the project alongside an essay of "random remarks" at the end of the book. The book was republished in a wider edition in 1995 by Borgen in Copenhagen, Denmark.

Concept

Skånes stenskulptur under 1100-talet forms the first volume of the multi-volume series 10,000 Years of Nordic Folk Art.

Upon resigning from the Situationist International in 1961, [Jorn] conceived the multivolume series 10,000 Years of Nordic Folk Art, and founded the Scandinavian Institute of Comparative Vandalism with a few friends to oversee this project... Each volume was to be dedicated to a particular aspect or region of Scandinavian folk culture, with a written section contributed by a scholar and a larger section of photographs to follow. Jorn was struck by the possibilities of André Malraux’s various series of books on art, published from 1947 on, and even hired Gérard Franceschi, the chief photographer at the Louvre... to take the majority of the photographs for his own, even larger series. Significantly, Jorn insisted on the separation of text and image, so that images could function independently of text and be arranged according to an order intrinsic to the images themselves.

- Steven Harris, How Language Looks: On Asger Jorn and Noël Arnaud's La langue verte

In Jorn's lifetime, Skånes stenskulptur under 1100-talet would be the only volume of 10,000 Years of Nordic Folk Art to see publication. Harris further writes:

...this project was stillborn, as Jorn was unable to persuade funding agencies to support the project unless he relinquished control of its overall direction—and over the presentation of images in particular, which others found eccentric. Jorn produced one volume as a pilot, in order to give potential investors a proper idea of what he had in mind, but rather than lose control of the project, he chose to shut it down in 1965.

- Ibid.

Contents

There are no major works and smaller essays on Nordic ancient and medieval art, but often the presentation of this visual world is only an account of style development, context of contemporary European art, chronology and technology. Here you want to go a different route, let the pictures speak for themselves, accompanied only by an introduction and by the necessary facts about the depicted works of art.

This path is achievable because the artist and scientist have followed. Thus, the artist selects and compiles the interrelationships of the images in the group to be processed, gathering these images into a continuous collage, so that they can be seen both individually and in context, while the scientist provides them with the necessary documentation.

Such a connection has already been established a quarter of a century ago, when a circle of young artists and scientists published the journal “Helhesten,” in which they sought to show the interaction between visual art and the rest of cultural life, and other topics such as archeology and ethnography.

Out of this a co-operation arose, like a tree, a branch, whose two branches were arts and sciences, planted in fertile soil and with foliage from common root.

For most of “Helhesten” this became of great importance, and this was continued through personal contacts to this day, well in addition to the magazine’s two successful yearly collections, which now belong to the greatest rarities of art history.

It is peculiar to imagine that the most distinctive Nordic art is not found in art museums, but in cultural history museums and in the landscape as monuments.

That is perhaps why it has not been sufficiently recognized and valued so far.

But it is this art that many works of this type should bring to public knowledge, and not only to the Nordic peoples, but to the whole world, because the universal significance of this art is obvious.

During the centuries immediately following the birth of Christ, the Romans began to get to know the adventurous countries at the northern edge of the ocean. Among the large islands that came into contact with this, one especially named Scandia, because of its fertility and residence of significant tribes, has made a strong impression on the travelers, geographers and historians of history. That in reality Scandia was not an island but a peninsula it was not yet clear to them. There is now no doubt that the Scandia one encountered in the first place was the present Skåne. But the name Scandia or Scandinavia, as it was sometimes written, became for the Romans a designation of the entire Scandinavian peninsula, a designation which then fell into oblivion but resumed in a new era and came to include Denmark.

The landscape and the historical environment

To this day, Skåne occupies a distinctive position among other Scandinavian regions in several respects. As the southernmost foothold of the Scandinavian peninsula and an old Danish part of the country, it is an important link between the continent and the High North. The landscape owns the fertile soil, the large forests, the rolling plains and the marked rocky mountain ridges. But Skåne owns above all the sea. On three sides it is surrounded by water, and the greatest distance from one coast to the other does not exceed 100 km. The surrounding sea is not wide and has always been navigable. It has not been a dividing line but a connecting link open to the east, west and south. The real boundary goes to the north in the large and forcibly forced forests towards Småland and Sweden.

Skåne’s natural wealth, which has always been a source of the prosperity of the landscape, has made it sought after for the neighboring kingdoms. The mild climate and the good soil have favored agriculture, whose representatives from the Stone Age and up to our time have been carriers of Scanian culture. The sea has provided plenty of fish, which in particular during the Middle Ages with the great herring fishing became a major European commodity.

From ancient times, Scania has a certain distinctive character, which is related to the nature of the landscape and the general conditions. Even today, there is something paradoxical in the Scanian gender that is a clear openness to the outside world paired with thoughtfulness, sometimes suspicion of the foreign. Scania is willing to make as much as possible on the basis of future impulses, but in such a way that its own tradition is not lost. In line with this, it follows that his speech is often ambiguous and can still confuse the Swelling.

Because of these strange conditions in a region, which is jokingly called its own kingdom, the traditional expressions have never been molded. The varied landscape with its different life forms means that Skåne cannot be taken or described in a clear way. The uniqueness of the landscape lies precisely in the paradoxes, to which is added a certain form of ambivalence in Scania. He can when he wants, but he can also let things depend, when life is not threatened, on a paradoxical union of energy and laziness. Spiritually, this basic attitude is a prerequisite for active action and the form of the form from the rationale.

The fact that the present collection of images has been taken solely from this landscape has become a natural consequence of the Skåne-owned character despite the diversity. You find the monuments preserved from a bygone era so tightly that you often do not have to move more than a few kilometers to get from one to the other. To some extent, this monument stock differs from that found in other parts of the Nordic region, but in its overall nature it gives from a central and limited area a particularly representative image of the Romanesque Nordic stone sculpture. In time, the presented sculpture spans only slightly more than a hundred years, from about 1100 to a piece into the 13th century.

The Viking Age and the oldest Middle Ages certainly possessed a native monumental stone art, but its overall character and function were essentially distinct from Romanesque church art. Dene’s stone sculpture was based on entirely new conditions. It was bound to the churches and formally legitimized by its connection to the notions of the Christian Church. However, this relationship does not rule out that much was inherited. The images were created during a time when the Christian world of performances was still relatively new in the Nordic countries. At the same time, for the individual person and her view of the thing and the picture the transition from old to new should not have been too great. She still lived in a tangible contact with the reality in which the image also constituted a tangible figure. But this reality was not primarily confined to being measurable in identity with the natural form. It was a reflection of the intangible and an experience of her own life in and as an expression of the contrast-filled combination of crass realism and supernatural dependence.

During the Middle Ages, Skåne was the most important landscape among the eastern Danish provinces. Already early after the creation of the Danish kingdom during the 8oo and the 900s, the kings realized the importance of being able to dominate the landscape. Knut the Great City of Lund founded a section in the 11th century. This was done for economic political reasons in order to benefit from trade here and control the most important road connections in connection with one of the largest marketplaces in the landscape. A coin factory grew in the city and a number of craftsmen and traders gathered there. It was during a time when most of Skåne’s population must still have been pagan. Eventually, Christianity began to gain a foothold in the landscape, especially in Lund, where it is believed that the king had already erected a wooden church early. The missionaries and bishops, who then worked in the landscape, One can probably expect that Knut’s interest in Skåne and Lund may have been dictated by his plans to make the landscape a central area for the entire Nordic region’s extensive empire, which he sought to add to his Danish-English kingdom. However, the plans were never fully realized, not least because of the compromise regarding the Danish church’s sound position during Hamburg-Bremen, which was the result of Knut’s meeting with the Pope and the German emperor, Konrad II, on his visit to Rome 1027. However, the first initiative may have had a fundamental impact on the continued development of Skåne’s position as such a power-political support point in Danish national policy, especially as long as the efforts of kings and churches went hand in hand.

Already Knut the Store’s father, Sven Tveskägg, had laid the foundation for Skåne’s acquisitions of goods, which in particular Knut’s sister Estrid developed and may have taken refuge. Here her son, Sven Estridsen, can also be thought to have spent certain periods not only during his youth but also since he became king. As such, he resumed the earlier struggle for the liberation of the Danish Church from the German Archbishop. When Sven Estridsen set up two bishopric seats in Skåne in 1060, one of them, in Lund, came to be occupied by an Englishman in accordance with the general aspirations. In contrast, the second bishop’s seat, in Dalby, right next to Lund, was occupied by a German, Egino, who, after six years, moved to Lund, since the first bishop died there.

The bishop’s seat in Dalby was demolished and the stone church begun was probably not completed until afterwards. The remains of the oldest building, the first known stone church in Skåne, are somewhat puzzling given the political intentions of the initiator Sven Estriden. The rugged but religious-political-nature character of the Basilica of Pillar was of a German type with ideological preconditions in Ottoman building art. Did it represent the King’s remission of the Hamburg-Bremen Archbishopric or did it represent a visible manifestation of Sweden’s supremacy towards the German Emperor and the German Church underlined by the use of the opponent’s own symbols of power? Given the king’s continued concern for the church, even after it lost its bishop and became a canon church, the latter alternative seems the most likely.

According to Adam of Bremen, as early as the 1070s, Skåne would have had about 300 churches. Whether this number is true or just a result of the claimants’ desire to impress is impossible to determine - Adam was in Denmark but probably not in Skåne. However, the churches that existed must all have been erected in wood. But after the arrival of the two Episcopal churches, other stone churches have probably begun to be erected as well. No preserved sculptures from either the oldest church in Dalby or the only archaeologically known first bishop’s church in Lund have survived.

For many, the word Lund has become equivalent to its cathedral. When during the last half of the nooo, without any competition, it rose above all that the city could otherwise offer of buildings, the name must have meant even more a concept for the church building and what it represented. It should hardly have been obvious that the Nordic church center would be located in Lund. The city seems to have developed favorably since it was founded by Knut the Great in the 1020s, but it was nevertheless on the periphery of the Danish empire. Already King Knut, however, seems to have attached great importance to his innovation, which, mainly in his Latin form, could easily be confused with the king’s largest city in the western part of his empire, namely London. Among the many places where Knut had started the first domestic Danish coin mint, Lund has occupied the foremost place without comparison. Nor did the following kings let the production decline at the city’s mint, which was probably in close proximity to the royal estate.

However, if Lund appears to have been in a strong economic development during most of the 1000s, the city has not been able to assert itself in ecclesiastical terms during this period vis-à-vis certain East Danish cities. No own bishop got Skåne until 1060, and when Knut the Great’s sister Estrid built a stone church in Roskilde around 1030, which was later converted to a larger one by Bishop Svend in the 1070s, there were still only stave churches available in Lund. Conditions were again changed on a royal initiative. In the 1080s, Knut II, later the Holy One, built a stone church dedicated to St. Laurentius. It was probably started as a royal farm church, but the king left it to the bishop and the chapel, which could come about through his generous donations to the church.

Favored by the Pope’s opposition to the German emperors, King Erik Ejegod and the Lund bishop Ascer finally succeeded in detaching the Danish church from the sovereignty of Hamburg-Bremen with joint efforts. This happened during the very first years of the 12th century, and in 1104 Ascer could be covered with the pallet. He thus became not only archbishop of Denmark but also primed all over the Nordic region. It is very likely, among other things, because of this institutional dignity that was sought from the outset and the thus-achieved position of power that the archbishop’s seat was assigned to Lund in Skåne, the part of Denmark that had the most central position with regard to contacts with and control of the Scandinavian peninsula. It was in church power politics the same way, which Knut the Store had done for general political purposes just a hundred years earlier, when the city of Lund was founded. When, at the end of the century, Saxo Grammaticus would justify why Lund was chosen as the archdiocese, he stated, among other things, that “from neighboring areas you can easily get there. The roads are many on land and to water.” Archbishop Ascer descended from one of the Danish grandmothers’ netherlands of peasant genus, from which both kings and bishops were recruited. The rough features of these men receive a monumental reflection in the earliest parts of Lund’s cathedral, for which the first impulses were taken from traditional Western Europeans. The oldest parts of the mighty crypt room are in themselves sculptural designs, the picture is missing, the concrete symbolic designs are, as in the columns of the sanctuary, still only ornamentally expressed.

With the significance that Lund gained through the establishment of the archdiocese, Skåne’s history came for slightly more than a hundred years, that is, precisely the time this picture material spans, to become its bishops in large parts. On significant points we know this story through the written source material. But also the thing, and to these which belongs the sculptural world, is a form of source material for the knowledge of the individual’s perception of his existence. Before we try to read any of these, however, some of the more tangible situations must be drawn.

In 1137, Ascer succeeded the Archbishop’s throne by Eskil. He seems to have been a man of a completely different kind from his predecessor. Eskil was admittedly nephew to this, but unlike Ascer, who had been mainly focused on maritime Western Europe, Eskil had a particularly lively contact with continental Europe. With Bernhard of Clairvaux he was a close friend, and when Eskil resigns from his archdiocese after many dramatic lives in the 1170s, he travels to Clairvaux, where he ends his life in 1182. The political history in Denmark during Eskil’s time was particularly confused because of the constant struggles between alternating faithful dependents with one another in close kinship. The church’s relationship with the royal power had been good in the past. Eskil was European even in the sense that as a person he came to take part in the great disputes of the time between state and church. In his cautious but nonetheless attempt to assert the Church’s independent position in Denmark, he was repeatedly involved in the political battles surrounding the kings.

But despite the troubled times, through Eskil’s personal initiative, a new and fruitful cultural policy developed, laying the foundations for not least a Skåne in the European community. The cathedral was completed in a new building phase, which brought with it a rich sculptural decoration, and in 1145 the high altar was inaugurated. For the propagation of the cultural fruits of Christianity, monasticism in its various forms played perhaps the most prominent role. As a monastic founder, Eskil could not be surpassed by any other Danish bishop. Prior to his time, there was only a Benedictine monastery in Lund in Skåne and Dalby, which was taken over by Dalby in the early 1100s. In obvious agreement with his friendship with France and Bernhard of Clairvaux, the Archbishop introduced the Cistercians into the country and the first monastery was founded in 1144 in Herrevad in Skåne. However, it became another order that Eskil mainly came to favor in Skåne, namely the premonstrations. He let no less than four monasteries of this order grow up, in Tommarp, Öved, Lund and Vä. Certainly it was of great importance that the Premonstratens, as well as the Cistercians, in addition to their spiritual activities, also had a practical orientation, but in addition, for the Premonstratens monastery, they could be placed in a city. This was the case not only in Lund but also in Tommarp and Vä. Characteristic of the monastery of this order was also that they obeyed directly under the bishop,

With Archbishop Eskil, Lund and Skåne came into direct contact with French culture. This was done not only through Eskil’s personal relations and trips to France, but also through the newly founded orders, which were based on it. The once established contact continued during the following bishops, and the French cultural influences, in addition to the older heritage, became of vital importance to the intellectual flourishing of the late 12th century.

The four first and most significant archbishops of the Lund Foundation were among themselves quite different types, with each having their distinctive features. Ascer seems to have been a safe and without force powerful man, who with his person conveyed the old heritage to the pioneering new age. Eskil was the great church innovator with wide connections. His successor from 1179, Absalon, was primarily a politician at both the church level and not least at the general political level. In contrast to Eskil, he was in direct friendly relation to the royal power, which, through King Valdemar I, had already stabilized at the end of Eskil’s episcopal period.

As a minister of the king, Absalon was at times more concerned with the kingdom’s politics and military campaigns against the friends in the Baltic Sea than with the affairs of the church. It is from his time, the problems in Skåne begin to appear more concrete. The creation of a large number of important institutions in Skåne such as the archipelago, the monastery foundations and also the development of the cities, had obviously meant a great asset to the landscape. But the promoters may not always have the best of the landscape in mind. In the institutions themselves, there was a prominent opportunity for power and mastery of a particularly desirable landscape.

Of all the men whom we know by name, and who have hitherto been more active in Skåne in the past, none were born there. They originated either from Jutland or, especially during Absalon’s and King Valdemar’s time, from Zealand. During Absalon’s time, a Scanian animosity towards the selfish government was also expressed directly. This happened in the context of a clash between the people of the archbishop and the king on the one hand and the other Scanian peasants in the early 1180s. The reasons for this were several. One can see from Skåne a dissatisfaction with the constant management discharge for the Vendor trains, further knotted over the bishopric and Absalon’s demands on the celibacy of the priests. All things had been topical already during Eskil’s time, but he had proceeded cautiously and, moreover, had no support from a strong royal power. The new and brusque demands made the Scanian chiefs and peasants rise. These Scanian large farmers seem to have been partly different from the western Danes. They had not yet reached the same reputation and prominent position in Danish national politics as for example. the rare White descendants. The Scanian big farmers must have lived for a much longer time in late Viking traditions and safeguarded their own local freedom. On the other hand, they had made good use of the assets of the international cultural institutions transplanted around the landscape, each within their area. Such a, admittedly hypothetical but likely location,

The Scanian peasants, to the outside, looked defeated, but they were never oppressed. However, the Zealand gentlemen were able to continue to build new churches in the landscape and to enrich the province with associated images and at the same time to manifest their claims. When the murder of Thomas Becket was made only twenty years after it took place on a Scanian baptismal font, it is probably not only the saint as such who is glorified but also the bishop with the rightful demands. Since the baptismal font is located in a church, Lyngsjö, which in several respects appears to have been erected by a man of the rare family to which the archbishop belonged, Absalon’s consciousness seems to be in the open. His participation in another church building in the same area, N. Åsum, has been documented in the old way with a runestone erected at the church.

Admittedly, the Scans got the feel of Absalon’s regiment, and he was primarily a national politician, but as such he succeeded under the kings Valdemar I and his son Knut VI to achieve fruitful cooperation between the church and the state, a collaboration that also came through the archdiocese in the long run Skåne for good. Not only the archbishop and the individual chiefs, but also the peasants in the parish community, during this time, seem to have conducted a very lively church building activity, ie a replacement of the old wooden churches with stone churches, which indicates that during this period the landscape benefited from a growing economic development. However, the direct spiritual cultivation had not been disadvantaged by Absalon, although he did not continue his representative’s intense monastic founding. However, a significant monastery founded Absalon in Skåne, namely the Benedictine Nunnery in Bosjö. Moreover, he achieved a reform and uniformity of the Danish church.

When Absalon died in 1201 he was succeeded by Andreas Sunesen. This the last in the line of the four first and great archbishops of the puffin pen has gone to history as the most learned of the four. He had laid the foundation for studies in Paris, Bologna and Oxford. To give the future priests, who received their education in Lund, some of the knowledge that could be obtained at the foreign universities, he wrote a great poem on hexameter. With the creation story as a counterpoint point, this Christian story of salvation was depicted and commented upon. Andreas Sunessen’s legal education, obtained in Bologna, was of great benefit in an important redrafting and commentary on the Skåne Act, through which we get a concrete picture of the life of the Scanian farmer.

During the final stage of Andreas Sunesen’s archbishop, a new monastic order came to Skåne. As early as 1223, a place was educated for the Dominicans in Lund, from where they then spread to other cities. The introduction of different monastic orders during these times can be seen as a kind of reflection of the expanding cultural influences and the needs that have arisen through social development. The arrival of the beggar monks stands here as the end of the era in which we devote our interest. Their presence meant that a developed urban system had been reached. The reason for this was laid in Skåne already 200 years earlier with Lund, which later in the 1000s was followed by other inland cities such as Tommarp and Vä and Hälsingborg at the narrowest part of the strait.

Among these, Skanör and Falsterbo, located on a nose farthest to the southwest, came to occupy a special position, initially and not primarily as direct urban formations, as life here was relatively seasonal, but as a major international marketplace in the important trade in herring. . For a couple of months every year, merchants gathered here to receive the goods that really come along the coast of Skåne in exchange for their own products. Among the foreign-cooperating foreigners, from the end of the 12th century the Germans from the newly formed Hansa League came to be in the majority. German impulses also negatively affected the development of the organized urban system, which became characteristic of the High Middle Ages, and which began in Skåne during the last half of the 13th century.

With what these cities and their bourgeoisie came to represent, something new was introduced into social life alongside the old peasant society. But all this had been prepared during the last century, which, just by being a period of renewal, was constantly evolving, in all respects came to be both economically and culturally one of Skåne’s foremost heyday. Basically, development had been fueled by the old peasant society, which despite strong influence from the continent never developed into a feudal society. The free peasants had felt the same way as the gentlemen, and the freedom consciousness, which may have once expressed itself in self-doubt, had under the influence of Christian institutions been given a new direction and a new responsibility.

In its relation to reality and the things and images that reflected this, the people of this society must have had a more unrestrained and less formally bound attitude than would follow in the coming more bourgeois society. The dependence on things, not the growth of the soil in the rhythmically changing nature, eventually brought to the citizen that he preferred to see himself and his surroundings depicted according to the picture of reality which was clearly tangible. The preceding expansive age usually did not bind the notions of sensual reality in an accepted or given form. Thus, in its visual art, the current world of imagination could be captured in a diverse diversity, reflecting both deep spirituality and naïve justice.

It was within and adjacent to the church that most of the monumental visual art was added throughout the Middle Ages. This is especially valid for the older part of the era, which is also relevant in this context. The connecting link with an older and pre-Christian tradition, which can and should have existed in e.g. sculpted parts of the old wooden churches, for the sake of Skåne, on an exception when completely wasted. So it is with the new stone church buildings that the sculpted image appears. Most of these churches, by comparison, were erected in Skåne during the 12th century and are still preserved for hundreds of years.

To build a stone church at this time would have been quite expensive. Nor should there be any doubt that the first and, even in the future, the most important initiatives were based on the great men who seized the economic opportunities. These then considered themselves to some extent the owners of the church building itself but at the same time also as a patron and defended by the same. This building’s proprietary status was often manifested by the powerful west towers, which were as much the symbol of power as practical building elements, in which, among other things, patronus’ special lodge was accommodated. But we can also note from the very design of the buildings that even the peasants of the congregation began to build their churches early themselves. The church building as well as the sculptural decoration were significantly benefited by the fact that Skåne has a rich natural supply of precious stone material in the sand and limestone quarries that have been used since the 11th century. It is almost exclusively in this material, mainly sandstone, that the presented sculptures are made.

Who the masters of Skåne’s many stone sculptures were or where they came from, we have no direct information on. The fact that the leading sculptors at the cathedral were taken from southern Europe, probably Italy, should not be in doubt. But there is therefore no reason to believe that the stone masters who enriched the land churches would, except in exceptional cases, have been taken from foreign countries. Here, as well as in other parts of Europe, most of the sculptors were at least anonymous in the earlier part of the Middle Ages. However, there are always exceptions, and so was the case among the Scanian stone masters. On the tympanum field across the entrance to the island of Herrestad, one can still clearly read the words: “Stone master Carl cut this stone.” It has been generally assumed that this stone master Carl did not sculpt only that stone, on which the inscription is found but also the portal scope as a whole. Based on the sculptural ornaments found around the portal, a long series of sculptures have been compiled in mainly southeastern Skåne, but also in the middle parts of the landscape, sculptures considered by Carl. Although not everything attributed to Carl can be considered to have been performed by him, however, through the signature we have a testimony of a stone master of certainly Nordic and well Scanian origin. The fact that he got his name attached to one of the works may indicate that he had a local fame and enjoyed a reputation, which probably did not always come to the fore even the most skilled artist or craftsman during this time. Based on the sculptural ornaments found around the portal, a long series of sculptures have been compiled in mainly southeastern Skåne, but also in the middle parts of the landscape, sculptures considered by Carl. Although not everything attributed to Carl can be considered to have been performed by him, however, through the signature we have a testimony of a stone master of certainly Nordic and well Scanian origin. The fact that he got his name attached to one of the works may indicate that he had a local fame and enjoyed a reputation, which probably did not always come to the fore even the most skilled artist or craftsman during this time. Based on the sculptural ornaments found around the portal, a long series of sculptures have been compiled in mainly southeastern Skåne, but also in the middle parts of the landscape, sculptures considered by Carl. Although not everything attributed to Carl can be considered to have been performed by him, however, through the signature we have a testimony of a stone master of certainly Nordic and well Scanian origin. The fact that he got his name attached to one of the works may indicate that he had a local fame and enjoyed a reputation, which probably did not always come to the fore even the most skilled artist or craftsman during this time. however, through the signature we have a testimony of a stone master of a certainly Nordic and well Scanian origin. The fact that he got his name attached to one of the works may indicate that he had a local fame and enjoyed a reputation, which probably did not always come to the fore even the most skilled artist or craftsman during this time. however, through the signature we have a testimony of a stone master of a certainly Nordic and well Scanian origin. The fact that he got his name attached to one of the works may indicate that he had a local fame and enjoyed a reputation, which probably did not always come to the fore even the most skilled artist or craftsman during this time.

Carl’s stonemason’s signature has only been found once, but at about the same time during the latter part of the 12th century there was also another Scanian sculptor, who signed a whole series of baptisms. On the edge of the cup he has carved with runes: “Mårten (Martin) made me.” Many of the baptismal finds, which can be attributed to him by means of the signature or stylistically, the cup is usually merely ornamentally sculpted, but it rests in many cases. on Mårten’s characteristic lion figures. The fact that the runes came into use in the inscription is not in itself unusual. Throughout the Middle Ages, in many cases, it was the layman’s normal writing, primarily for shorter messages or calls. However, this does not exclude the fact that the runes may at the same time have traditionally added some magical significance. When Lund Cathedral’s restaurateur Adam van Duren, as late as the beginning of the 16th century, opens one of his many inscriptions engraved in the cathedral with the words “God help”, these two words are only executed in runes.

Marten’s signature on the baptismal font may have been of the same significance as Carl’s signature, but it should not be unlikely that in the main room, with the help of the magical runes, he might have wanted to attach a call to the sacramental functional objects, which at least for this time constituted the baptismal font. It is also not essential in this context that it is the object, the fun, that speaks through the wording. The Master of Stone may have put some of his soul into the work, so that it would remind him of the coming family in connection with the sacrament of baptism.

The third in a row known by the name of Skåne stone master Tove. He has, as in passing, inscribed his name among the texts that accompany the representations on the baptismal point in Gumlösa. His works should have been carried out during essentially the 1190s. As a result, our knowledge also ends with the names of Scanian stone masters from Roman times. They have each made their names appear in different ways, perhaps for different motives. One, however, they have in common, namely the Nordic names, who clearly say that it was now the country’s own artists, who most often helped not only to decorate with their sculptures but also to give a symbolic meaning to the parish churches of the landscape. When reviewing the images, the reader soon finds that most reproduce baptisms or details thereof. This seemingly quantitative overweight for a particular object group is not temporary. In the Skåne countryside, the richest and in many ways the most interesting early medieval stone art is manifested primarily on the foundations. Nor is there any country in Europe where, within a certain area, such a wealth of Romanian baptismal remains have been preserved as in Skåne and Gotland.

We can note that there have been workshops that have produced a large number of similar fonts, but even so, the diversity of the different types encountered is nevertheless significant. They are gossiping about an unbound activity with varying impulses, while at the same time possessing a striking originality in relation to the stock from the rest of Europe. This originality is expressed not only in the forms but also in the diverse and rich picture world that we encounter in them.

From the point of view of art history it has been clarified what is meant by the concept of Romanesque style. There is no doubt that this presented Scanian stone sculpture belongs to this style group. However, it differs at the same time from much of the visual art that is found elsewhere from the same era and is thus easily recognizable if it is found exported outside Skåne’s own borders. Paradoxically, however, it is not a common Scanian style feature that makes the strongest impression, but rather the distinct stylistic differences between the various Scanian stone masters and the workshops. It is in this diversity that artistic wealth lies. It is remarkable to what extent the individual master here has independently and naturally found himself corrected with both subject and form, while elsewhere one can occasionally find how this art may have had a certain stereotypical feel. If the Scanian Romanesque stone sculpture has its own face, it is primarily in this richness of variation that it gives it its distinctive place in the European art of the era. Technology and, not least, craftsmanship played a major role in the medieval art practice, it also forms the basis for a number of the works presented here, but it is, however, primarily the artist behind the works, that made them speak to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality. If the Scanian Romanesque stone sculpture has its own face, it is primarily in this richness of variation that it gives it its distinctive place in the European art of the era. Technology and, not least, craftsmanship played a major role in the medieval art practice, it also forms the basis for a number of the works presented here, but it is, however, primarily the artist behind the works, that made them speak to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality. If the Scanian Romanesque stone sculpture has its own face, it is primarily in this richness of variation that it gives it its distinctive place in the European art of the era. Technology and, not least, craftsmanship played a major role in the medieval art practice, it also forms the basis for a number of the works presented here, but it is, however, primarily the artist behind the works, that made them speak to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality. which gives it its distinctive place in the European art of the era. Technology and, not least, craftsmanship played a major role in the medieval art practice, it also forms the basis for a number of the works presented here, but it is, however, primarily the artist behind the works, that made them speak to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality. which gives it its distinctive place in the European art of the era. Technology and, not least, craftsmanship played a major role in the medieval art practice, it also forms the basis for a number of the works presented here, but it is, however, primarily the artist behind the works, that made them speak to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality. that made them talk to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality. that made them talk to us. The current receptivity of this may, to some extent, have its basis in the contemporary perception of personality, but only as the introduction to an acquaintance; Ultimately and with greater validity, it is the humility behind the creation that makes the experience of the images become reality.

The natural stone sculpture, for natural reasons, as opposed to art objects of perishable material, has had a greater opportunity to be preserved for our days. However, this does not prevent that what we can still admire and enjoy today is only part of what once existed. In the Middle Ages, older sculptures appear to have been extensively used in conjunction with rebuilding of the lots in which the pictures were originally placed. They have been used in a later masonry, perhaps lost their original symbolic function but possibly got a new one, but above all they must have been appreciated as a picture. What the Reformation in the Nordic countries meant for the visual arts in the churches we do not yet know enough about. However, it would probably not have been too great a change in relation to the thing and the image for ordinary people. With some exception, Skåne was also spared from the image-storming, which was so prevalent in some parts of Europe. More fateful for the medieval churches and their fixtures became the 18th century and much of the 19th century. During the latter century, the prosperity and wealth of some villages became a direct cause for the destruction of the medieval churches in connection with the construction of new and larger churches. Many sculptures were scattered during this time, baptisms were used for flower pots in gardens, other sculptures disappeared completely, but some remained in hiding places. From there, they were retrieved at the beginning of this century, when a new understanding and a new interest began to awaken to the old clan nodes. What was then collected from ruined churches in Skåne is preserved today in Lund University’s historical museum.

The modern man’s attitude towards art would certainly have been completely foreign to the medieval viewer. That is not to say that what we call an aesthetic experience in and of itself may have been excluded. But it was not consciously perceived by the medieval man as an isolated intrinsic value. The value of the art was, on the one hand, associated with the kind of craftsmanship with which the work was performed and, on the other, with the degree of vivacity and the ability to experience that the image could awaken. In such circumstances, the aesthetic norm has no formal character but is part of the work’s design of the expression, which would be a realization of the human situation in the present and in eternity.

The majority of the Romanesque stone art we find here should therefore primarily be seen as more or less speaking expressions of the then man’s relation to and perception of the immediate reality in which she lived. We will meet at one time ambiguous and straightforward storytelling art in varying forms, sometimes unbound and naively immediate and sometimes chastened and strained sincerely in their quest to be the however existing fashion at hand. At the same time, we must be aware that nothing came of mere play, nothing was done for its own sake or as an outlet solely for the stone carver’s will to manifest a form. Even the simple and naive had a meaning for the time, which, in its immediacy, also speaks to us and thereby constitutes evidence of the modesty’s ability to find and shape an expression of feeling and experience. Let us try, in so far as we can free ourselves from normative form and expression patterns, to initially consider the image as it in itself appears to still convey the experience of reality that was valid then but existential even now.

In the human figure, we often encounter a trait of sadness. As a kind of demanding basic feature, this is primarily expressed through the image of Christ. This seriousness can be felt in the heavily stylized form as a pervasive highness or as a somewhat trumpet severity. We are caught by this sculpture’s direct speech to us primarily through the images in which Christ believes and with the eyes fixes the spectator. In representations of baptism, on the other hand, Christ is frontal towards us, but at the same time is in a peculiar way passive towards the spectator and also the act that is going on, since it is the act as a whole that has significance. A strange exception is found in a baptismal scene, in which John the Baptist, for a moment oblivious of his sacred solicitude, stares at the viewer, not appealed, but with an unbridled curiosity, who also infected themselves with Christ. He has thereby broken his isolation towards the viewer, not to urge him but to marvel at his presence. As a prerequisite for this our interpretation of the scene, there is certainly no awareness of the stone master who performed the image. Rather, it should be the simple and human instant of his perception of the event, which causes us to experience this effect. At the same baptismal fountain there is a representation of the holy three kings, who in the same way seem to be more interested in us than of the child they progress to pay homage to. As a prerequisite for this our interpretation of the scene, there is certainly no awareness of the stone master who performed the image. Rather, it should be the simple and human instant of his perception of the event, which causes us to experience this effect. At the same baptismal fountain there is a representation of the holy three kings, who in the same way seem to be more interested in us than of the child they progress to pay homage to. As a prerequisite for this our interpretation of the scene, there is certainly no awareness of the stone master who performed the image. Rather, it should be the simple and human instant of his perception of the event, which causes us to experience this effect. At the same baptismal fountain there is a representation of the holy three kings, who in the same way seem to be more interested in us than of the child they progress to pay homage to.

Thus, the contact between the figure or the stage and the other spectator has been achieved with different means of expression, but is for the most part obvious to the hand. When a person wants to focus our attention on himself or what he wants to say, it is usually done through a gesture or by means of the big eyes that do not want to escape. But we also find examples of the fact that an intimate contact can be achieved through an almost frivolous unfathomability reflected in the facial features.

We also find the contradictions in the narrative scenes. A dignified and measured solemnity meets us primarily in the Passion scenes of the New Testament but also in the praise scenes in connection with Jesus’ birth history, but in the very birth scenes the spectator immediately becomes more engaged. The thoughtful Joseph invites us, under still reason, to partake of the wonder in the cave, if not as frantic as the donkey and the ox, so with the zeal and joy that characterizes the shepherds and their animals.

Directly upon the people, some stone masters have gone into their depiction of the Fall and its consequences. Here we meet the direct identification between the spectator and the figure, no doubt a tangible experience for the medieval viewer but also with address to us, if we are sensitive enough to perceive it. With an ill-concealed calculation, Eva receives the fruit of the snake, and Adam puts his teeth into it with an unrestrained almost animal desire. When the pair then cultivate the earth outside the garden of paradise, the trumpeted Adam looks incomprehensible and inquiring at Eve, who, with a half vulgar grin, seems content with the new situation. At another baptismal font, she shows herself more morally, where she is somewhat bored but proudly sitting with her dragonfly. Adam, on the other hand, is completely burdened not only by the carpentry he is doing but mainly by the grief,

The body in itself has not had any interest in the Romanesque stone master. When the difference between the naked Adam and Eve is to be made, it is not by the sex but by the length of the hair. The costume, on the other hand, can often be meticulously designed, since it characterizes the people in most cases and, for the statists, is made up of time’s own costumes, either the events played out over a thousand years ago, without bound to the time, or in close connection with the stone master’s own time. In this way, the viewer perceived the events that were recorded as current and significantly present. But the costume can also be freely designed and through its ornamental form provide a definite chord as the basis for the emotional mood that the figure or stage intends to reflect. When the old Simeon in the temple sees and touches the child of Jesus, the figures as a whole are characterized by a quiet dignity, but the movement that the event evokes can be clearly followed in the schematically drawn soft wave movements, which, starting from Mary’s mantle and over the sweeping of the Jesus child, turn into a whirl over Simeon’s left side. A solemnity, a transformation of the figures into signs of dignity for the act they perform, on the other hand, produces the large and summarily sculpted mantles, in which the three holy kings are depicted on a baptismal font. In the following image with the same motive, one can notice how the sculptors at the end of the era with an intrusive will for factual realism and at the same time a deeper relief instead achieved a naive identification - the exalted universal validity is gone. can be clearly followed in the schematically drawn soft wave movements, which, starting from Mary’s mantle and over the sweeping of the Jesus child, turn into a whirl over Simeon’s left side. A solemnity, a transformation of the figures into signs of dignity for the act they perform, on the other hand, produces the large and summarily sculpted mantles, in which the three holy kings are depicted on a baptismal font. In the following image with the same motive, one can notice how the sculptors at the end of the era with an intrusive will for factual realism and at the same time a deeper relief instead achieved a naive identification - the exalted universal validity is gone. can be clearly followed in the schematically drawn soft wave movements, which, starting from Mary’s mantle and over the sweeping of the Jesus child, turn into a whirl over Simeon’s left side. A solemnity, a transformation of the figures into signs of dignity for the act they perform, on the other hand, produces the large and summarily sculpted mantles, in which the three holy kings are depicted on a baptismal font. In the following image with the same motive, one can notice how the sculptors at the end of the era with an intrusive will for factual realism and at the same time a deeper relief instead achieved a naive identification - the exalted universal validity is gone. a transformation of the figures into signs of dignity for the act they perform, on the other hand, produces the large and summarily sculpted mantles, in which the three holy kings are depicted in a baptismal font. In the following image with the same motive, one can notice how the sculptors at the end of the era with an intrusive will for factual realism and at the same time a deeper relief instead achieved a naive identification - the exalted universal validity is gone. a transformation of the figures into signs of dignity for the act they perform, on the other hand, produces the large and summarily sculpted mantles, in which the three holy kings are depicted in a baptismal font. In the following image with the same motive, one can notice how the sculptors at the end of the era with an intrusive will for factual realism and at the same time a deeper relief instead achieved a naive identification - the exalted universal validity is gone.

Along with the costume, the underneath merely thought or imagined bodies often form a rhythmic ornament to depict a movement as in the three Marios at Christ’s tomb. To emphasize the warm feeling of belonging between Maria and Elisabeth at their meeting, the sculptor has brought the bodies together in a great shape. Here we can also see what happens when the sculptural naturalism is increased, through the distance between the figures, the emotion-depiction can be observed, but in the earlier art of expression it is felt.

The couples, who embrace each other at the baptismal point in Tryde, let us sense their affinity through another means, the gesture, which is one of the most important bearers of the time. The long and narrow arms, which have been made without the slightest claim to anatomical truth, wrap themselves around the figures, binding them to one another, while the hands only indicate a tender gesture. In the over-dimensioning of the arm and hand movements often lies the dramatic sequence of events. Such is the case in the interaction of hands, which in a representation of Adam’s creation signifies the very thing. The gesture can also be of a purely attributive nature. In a naïve form, we experience how an angel, set to guard the gate to heavenly Jerusalem, with childlike zeal holds his key with a significantly extended arm.

What primarily appeals to the spectator in the human figures is the head, usually enlarged but in itself gathering all the force which the figure must express, whether this force is of an active nature or filled with reason and seriousness. With a certain accompaniment of the gestures of the hands lies the expressive power of the scene in the fig. 217 depicted communion scene gathered in the faces. Even in the strong stylization, the various characters and the varying emotional moods that control the actions are felt. Here, as in most other portrayals of humanity, it is the eyes that most intensely convey the contact both between the figures acting within the image and between them and the spectator. The latter also applies in cases where the formal simplification has been pushed to its peak.

Even more intensely, the expressive power of the human face comes to us when it is isolated and freshly sculpted from the portals of the portals or the bases of the baptisms. Usually it is hardly a person anymore, even though the picture has had to borrow her figure. Instead, we are faced with a concrete embodiment of the demons that sat in the possession of man, and who, through the clearly stated malice in the angry eyes, the grinning teeth and the protruding chin, intend to ward off the evil, the body itself.

The restlessness pours out of the shut-out mouth on the personalized load, as well as the sensual well-being, Luxoria’s face will swell as she slides the snakes. The personalized loads are not formally tamed, they are consumed by their own loadability. The indeterminate demons, on the other hand, who can sneak up on us at an unguarded moment, are often held by arms, which pull on the mustaches of the face, the twisted rope, which popular belief saw as a magical spring. In formal terms, the distance is not so great between the idolatry which once on the wall of the church stave off the wicked grants of its pagan counterparts, and the pious bishop who received the people at the entrance to the same church. But through the rustic power of the face drawn between the shoulders in one case and the dignified dignity of the bishop’s face in the other, however, representatives of two different worlds meet us. For the contemporary viewer, these two worlds were extremely real and at one time present, not just side by side but sometimes even in one and the same form. When man was allowed to lend his port to the demon or devil, then her ears grew like horns.

But it was mainly in the shape of the beast or the fabled beast that the spectator met the evil. A belief in the devilishness behind the thing might have been able to get a tangible concretisation in the encounter with the huge jaw, which threatensly extends to the viewer, while the winding and forward-whipping tail of the vicious monster gives way to the insidious intent to devour a wavering soul. The devil in his own person, when he is supposed to help Simon Magus jump from the tower, in comparison with the figures he has mastered almost ridiculously menless. He makes a grotesque figure imprisoned and defeated, but when in the shape of the lion or beast between his huge jaws he crushes the menless lamb or with snakes as auxiliaries in the process of devouring a human, it takes place in the powerful sculptural form with such intensity, that he thereby binds and wards his own power but at the same time constitutes a warning sign for the viewer. With a sneak peek at his helpless victim, he gets the spectator to experience the event not just as a one-off phenomenon but as something happening now.

But not all beasts need to be the bearers of evil. Above all, the lion can also represent the opposite, and above all, with its powerful figure, it gains the body strength when it carries the columns upon which the church rests. When the cruelty penetrates us from the animals which were unknown and dangerous to man, we encounter greater charm and almost love in the production of the animals with which man surrounded himself and who were her friends. In this respect, the horse, as the then human being, is in many cases indispensable servants the foremost place. The three wise men ride to Bethlehem on their stately foxes, and when the holy family fled to Egypt, the Nordic stone-master could not imagine that it would have happened on a donkey, but placed Mary and the child on a magnificent horse, as worthy and safe for them away from Herod’s murderous appropriations. The close relationship between the horse and his master is portrayed with the presently quite unusual, almost lyrical experience. Behind the kneeling bend Eustachius, his horse takes on an elegant complacency in his movement, which will be directly confronted by the apparently strong bond of the time to his indispensable animal. The compassion can be expressed in the freer sculpture in an almost welded form between rider and horse.

As with the horse, it is often obvious that the accuracy of the thing is depicted. It also happens in close connection with contemporary conditions. If a ship is present, it connects with its animal-headed rods close to the Viking ships of the indigenous tradition. The event the ship depicts or the symbolic function it possesses in this way becomes more immediately present. The same applies to the periodical costumes of everyday, warlike, royal or liturgical incisions. The individual objects, which directly say something about the significance of the situation, have been clearly emphasized. Since Adam and Eve were driven out of paradise and forced into hard work, Adam has begun to swing the heavy carpenter’s ax and Eve twist the wool with her dragonfly, pursuits with which the viewer was completely familiar, and who made him or her identify his or her own situation with the elders of the ancestors. But the tool has also been clarified to stand as a sign of acts of less everyday kind, of acts of far-reaching importance in the Christian history of salvation. With the raised sword, King Herod announces his command of the child murder in Bethlehem. The rope with which Christ is imprisoned is brought before Pilate, appears with greater acuity and faithfulness than the bodies of the acting figures. The hammer and nail in the hand of the man at the cross of Christ do not primarily serve in a concrete act, Christ is already nailed at the cross, yes he is already dead, Longinus has just been hit by the water and blood, the hammer and the nail radiating from Christ’s side wound held by any human being,

In all, the Romanesque stone art we stand here has a meaning and significance in addition to the factual depiction. The ornaments themselves are not mere or perhaps even primarily ornamental but represent symbolically transcendent concepts. The palm trees and grapevines on the shells of the baptisms are reminiscent of the life-giving water. The closed ring chain from a crest is the image of eternity in which everything is linked and to which life in the form of the palmette is connected. For safety’s sake, a holy man with a demanding gesture points to the abstract image while his straight eyes are drawing our attention to him.

Everything that the Romanesque stone sculptor has depicted has, in the broadest sense, a religious foundation. The ability to experience Christianity, which had not been inhabited in the area for much more than a hundred years, as a reality bound to the present and the thing, probably did not pose too great difficulties to the people, whose not-too-distant ancestors during pagan times stood in a often markedly related to the powers they believed to see and experience in nature and its systems. Now the lists had changed and the essential focus of human endeavor had become a different one. But the perceived power of both the concrete presence of the good and the evil was equally noticeable. We have seen how in the picture it has been possible to put it in direct confrontation with the sacred or devilish things. In the scenes as a whole, the identification was not as strong, their purpose was demonstrative, narrative, defining, but the artist has not objectively freed himself from what he portrays. This is experienced in the individuals. With a religious motivation in his choice of image, the stone master has rarely produced current documents. Occasionally, it has happened, as in the baptism scene, which occurs at a funfair. But the action of the scene is purely liturgical and it is directly tied to the object being used. But with the presence of the stage, they are directly involved in the sacramental act at baptism. which occurs at a funt. But the action of the scene is purely liturgical and it is directly tied to the object being used. But with the presence of the stage, they are directly involved in the sacramental act at baptism. which occurs at a funt. But the action of the scene is purely liturgical and it is directly tied to the object being used. But with the presence of the stage, they are directly involved in the sacramental act at baptism.

Among biblical representations, it is primarily Adam and Eve’s history, especially their work, that may have had an identifiable effect on the spectator. Most importantly, it is mainly the non-biblical scenes that may have appealed to the viewer and his own situation. Not least, this may be the case if the learning scenes also appear to be linked to old Nordic values. The perception of the more or less glorious way of dying may possibly be reflected in a difficult-to-interpret scene. On the coup for a baptismal find two death scenes on either side of a ship. On the right side a man who dies the death of the dead, the martyr’s death, and whose soul is brought to heaven by an angel; The pillar with the weather head behind the bed also gossips that his soul in the form of a small naked man is not, as in the former case, brought to the height but to a lower realm of death. A serious sadness characterizes the participating people, but above all the little distressed soul, who with his head on the oblique appeals to the spectator to think about his life. Thematically, the scenes certainly refer directly to certain motifs, which have been lost to us, and which, perhaps, for the viewers of the time were also unknown. But what happened through his grouping in relation to the other clearer symbolic representations at the point had a tangible connection to a normal world of performance. but above all the little distressed soul, which with its head obliquely appeals to the spectator to ponder his life. Thematically, the scenes certainly refer directly to certain motifs, which have been lost to us, and which, perhaps, for the viewers of the time were also unknown. But what happened through his grouping in relation to the other clearer symbolic representations at the point had a tangible connection to a normal world of performance. but above all the little distressed soul, which with its head obliquely appeals to the spectator to ponder his life. Thematically, the scenes certainly refer directly to certain motifs, which have been lost to us, and which, perhaps, for the viewers of the time were also unknown. But what happened through his grouping in relation to the other clearer symbolic representations at the point had a tangible connection to a normal world of performance.

Should all of these images make a strong impression on us today by activating our feeling and imagination, how much more intensely should they not have acted on contemporary people. In their murky everyday environment, the stone sculpture must already have been something enormous in itself, and in addition it served as a material embodiment of what many today want to call ideas and powers, but which the medieval man experienced as reality.

It would seem natural that baptism was of fundamental importance in people’s religious views during a time when Christianity was relatively young and when the struggle with pagan powers was still alive. Here we see the explanation that such a rich artistic activity has been expressed in the adornment of the many baptismal finds with their diverse and intensely engaging visual world. We can hardly conclude that many of the heinous animals on the bases of the font represent the powers of evil, though other fonts in similar places may have been adorned with heavenly representatives. The fauna and life that develops here for our eyes are difficult to interpret in many respects, and many figures may forever be ruining their secrets.

We seem to encounter more easily understandable representations on the font’s cupola. In most cases they are understandable in their details, but we want to know what they intend to shape.

All of the scenes depicting Jesus’ baptism in the Jordan River are an easy-to-understand representation of the historical prototype of baptism. In Bjäresjö church, however, one encounters a picture of baptism, which goes completely beyond the historical depiction. Jesus sits in a lime-shaped baptismal font and holds in his right hand a cross. On his right is John the Baptist and on his left the Virgin Mary, holding something that should be interpreted as a long wax candle. Here is depicted not only baptism but also the death of the cross and with the light, the sign of the Easter liturgy, the resurrection to heavenly paradise, which is summarized in the rosette above Christ’s head. Here, it is not primarily a matter of remembering a biblical event without pondering a mystery - that through baptism we must die to be resurrected with Christ.

We are constantly confronted with this concentrated symbolism in the consideration of the oldest medieval images. Clearly and expressively, the events of the Thursday night are rolled up for our glances at the fun in Löderup, but when the portrayal arrives at the culmination of events, we see a picture that is no longer narrative in a positive sense but which in itself has accumulated a meaning beyond time and space. The cross hovers over Calvary, it is carried in the rounds by the figures who at one time represent the four evangelists and their testimonies, as well as the four beings who will appear with Christ upon his return. The individual’s participation with Christ is represented by Longinus, who, having strung up the side of Christ with his lance, was struck by the flowing blood and water - the water of baptism.

In a few places and for a few times, the artists in an immediate and dignified form have succeeded in rendering their belief in a mysterious affinity, shaped by the concrete story, existential first names in the sacramental affiliation and standing under the sign that will also form the final completion of baptism, Christ’s return in His Majesty over the throne already prepared for Him.

The faithful Christ is a main motif found on a number of points and shows the symbolism of baptism in an eschatological context. This is a typical feature of the sacramental symbolism of the older Middle Ages, which often leaves parts of the doctrine of salvation in relation to the comprehensive whole, depicted figuratively by the final return of Christ. The possibility of resurrection, of which it was baptized, may become part of this occasion, we may find expressed by the person who, on the basis of the point in Saxtorp, raises his hands to the Christ-image which was probably originally found above, but which through the turning of the coupe has come to another place.

As common as it is to find ample elements of often difficult-to-understand symbolic representations within the older groups of func- tions, just as often the younger ones encounter a seemingly more uniform and more easily understood picture world. This certainly does not mean that the images, if not direct representations of the baptism, would lack a symbolic connection to the same. The frequently occurring presentations from Jesus’ birth history are an example of this. Certainly, the pictures were intended to be a direct reminder of the mysteries of Christmas, but their intimate connection with the baptismal font should primarily be seen in the background of the notion of baptism as a rebirth. This rebirth of the individual is through participation in Christ, and in a simple and tangible way, this participation with the help of the image has been linked to Jesus’ own birth. In the same way, we may find the dual task of the images depicting scenes from the creation story. Earlier it was talked about how not least these perhaps through their formal character, through the identification should have been able to establish a tangible contact between the spectator and themselves. But ultimately, this contact should lead to an awareness that creation here stands as a symbolic reference to the creation to new life through which baptism works. through the identification should have been able to establish a tangible contact between the spectator and themselves. But ultimately, this contact should lead to an awareness that creation here stands as a symbolic reference to the creation to new life through which baptism works. through the identification should have been able to establish a tangible contact between the spectator and themselves. But ultimately, this contact should lead to an awareness that creation here stands as a symbolic reference to the creation to new life through which baptism works.

But it is not only the characters who narrate with the help of the figures who shape the symbolic thought which is related to the sacrament of baptism. Even the only ornamentally adorned ones can be covered with such references. Palmettes and bows have certainly come not only to adorn the cupolas. Their significance for the heavenly paradise may have been forgotten by the Convention afterwards, but it must have been originally acknowledged. Yes, maybe the four-wheeled wheel, which we find at a funt, is a direct reference to the four paradise rivers, which in the baptismal symbol are directly associated with the baptismal water. In many cases, the four animal or human heads found on the bases may also be interpreted in this direction. That the sculptural image world on the bases of the characters has not always embodied the defeated evil is clear from figures, who are unambiguous representatives of prominent persons in the heavenly paradise. We find Abraham with the Blessed in his care, Mary as the chief intercessor for the child she holds in her lap, and the apostles Peter and Paul.

However, it is not just the theological-symbolic depth of mind that is expressed in the visual world. We can possibly see a contact with the human conditions established by the manifestations of a partly “propagandistic” character. The saint legend in Tryde may have such a task in religious terms, the murder of Thomas Becket in addition to a political backbone, and the frequent occurrence of Peter in Christ’s immediate presence with a religious-political allusion.

Of this rare wealth of motives and varying expressions in connection with a single object type, the font, we get an indication of the then conception of baptism as something extremely important. Not only with the basic meaning it has in conventional Christian view, but in addition also as a purely materialized sacramental act, by which the whole person was united not only in spiritual but also in bodily sense with Christ, the new ruler, to whom also the king devoted his tribute. and worship, when he so shone.

The church building was not, in the Middle Ages, not merely a place of worship but a dwelling place of God, which thereby became a symbol of heavenly Jerusalem. For this, Christ is the gate, and consequently the entrance to the church could also refer to Christ. This could be done in various forms directly or with reference to different beliefs, which would awaken the incumbent to the awareness of a position in the fight for the good. It is for this reason that the earliest architectural sculpture is primarily trained in and around the portal.

Around the portals of many of the continental large church buildings one often finds the whole symbolic dialectic expressed in many times elegant but sometimes almost coolly intellectual ways. But where do you find the central Christian mysteries concentrated with such simplicity and immediate human eagerness as in the tympanum field across the portal to the small early medieval church in Linderöd, in the middle of the forest of central Skåne. Against a moving and to some extent chaotic mills, Christ appears as the crowned king. He rules from the cross that he stands in front of. He is the gate, but precisely because of all that is going on around him. In the left corner we find the birth and in the right the defeated satan, defeated by the cross, from which Christ here arises and returns to separate the evil from the good on the last day. Faced with this eschatological vision, the viewer is faced with the hope of being on the right side of Christ with, among other things. a. the bishop, who resurrects his praise with the gesture that accompanies the praise of praise in the Mass.

In most cases, the tympanum field has stood with a representation of Christ among the apostle priests, Christ as Agnus Dei or represented by his Old Testament prototype Samson, or symbolic animal images, which no longer appear to have the direct aim of the portal’s significance, as stated above. When two grapples on a tympanum in Gråmanstorp extend towards a tree in the middle, it can be the soul longing for the fruits of the tree of life. Across the opposite portal to the south, two large animals with a leash have been tied to the trunk of the tree, and from the mouths of the animals are plant vines. Here they have become part of the life-giving tree, which, from originally standing in the Garden of Eden, has become the cross of Christ to finally symbolize Christ Himself. This positive interpretation is not as easy to apply to the common motifs of the great lion, which devours an animal or a human. Is it evil that warns the incoming, or is it Christ in the likeness of the lion that defeats Satan? The question may be left unanswered, as in cases where a lion from a portal scope carries a human head between its opened jaws. Is it the devil who devours a man with holes and hair, or is it the realm of death that resurrects a soul?

The medieval archbishopric church in Lund was not only at its inception, but is still the foremost Romanesque church building in the Nordic countries and of international importance. The new archdiocese, founded around 1104, was the prerequisite for its creation. The expanded liturgical function placed increased demands on a larger church, but the building would also, as a visible sign, assert and manifest the new position that the bishop’s seat would occupy. The construction of the new archbishop’s church seems to have started immediately. We know quite well how the work progressed through the fortunate fact that in our time a contemporary calendar has been preserved, included in the Necrologium Lundense manuscript, in which notes on the oldest altar inaugurations have been inserted. In 1123 the high altar was thus inaugurated in the crypt of John the Baptist, the glory of all patriarchs and prophets. The magnificent crypt room under the sanctuary of the high church, cows and transept was not thus complete. That was the first time the inauguration of the altar in the south side chapel. This happened in 1131, and the mention of this also states that the relics of the old church were transferred to the new crypt altar. This meant that Knut the Holy Church was allowed to remain at the place where the new Archbishop’s Church longhouse would be erected, until the crypt could be put into use as a full church location. that the relics of the old church were transferred to the new crypt. This meant that Knut the Holy Church was allowed to remain at the place where the new Archbishop’s Church longhouse would be erected, until the crypt could be put into use as a full church location. that the relics of the old church were transferred to the new crypt. This meant that Knut the Holy Church was allowed to remain at the place where the new Archbishop’s Church longhouse would be erected, until the crypt could be put into use as a full church location.

Through a death note in the Necrology we also know the name of the builder who led the work on church planning and earliest construction. His name was Donatus and at one time referred to as both architect and building manager, two titles that collectively gossip that the man was possessed of non-inferior skills. That part of the church, which was planned and erected under his direction, is characterized by a simple but powerful and harmonious architecture. Some sculptural decoration was only exceptionally created during this stage, from which still mainly the crypt but also the westernmost part of the longhouse remains. Unfortunately, the lower part of the tower section, which was probably erected at the same time, was torn down to the ground during the 19th century when the present towers were added. Of course, there was no domestic tradition of construction for a building of this magnitude, but the impulses were taken from outside. They seem to have come from the areas around the English Channel, the areas with which Denmark has traditionally been in contact through their Norman kinsmen.

Since the once stately cathedral of the modern environment lost some of the earlier more prominent rise, apart from the crypt, it is not primarily the architecture of this first stage of construction that today gives the cathedral its distinctive character and much of its fame. Instead, it has largely become the rich sculptural world, which, although somewhat decimated, yet richly represented, meets even glances at most places inside the church and around the medieval entrances. These sculptures make Lund Cathedral an outstanding monument in Northern Europe, a monument to the craftsmanship of the Romanesque stone masters, a fantasy of symbolically depicting supernatural forms of presence and of an internationalism that in the church’s fence was not inhibited by any geographical distances.

During the 1130s, the new stage in the church’s building history may have begun, during which architecture came to be adorned with this sculpture of almost Italian origin. It was during the same decade that Donatus died, but also Archbishop Ascer.

However, despite the bitter power-political struggles, the success of Eskil continued work on the cathedral. The older plan did not change, but some modifications were made to the church’s erection. The most significant change, however, was the now prominent sculpture in all important places in the building. On September 1, 1145, Archbishop Eskil was able to inaugurate the High Church and its altar to the Virgin Mary and Saint Laurentii. In the altar titles of the two side chapels, the patron saints of the church came to receive as flanking drabbands the two deacon saints Vincentius and Stefanus, who were in turn assisted by their warrior saint, Vincentius of the English Albanus and Stefanus of his mother Mauritius, all through their relics present in the south, respectively. north altar.

As a building, the cathedral was not finished with the inauguration of the high altar 1145, one of the aforementioned side altars, which in the north was inaugurated only the following year. The completion of the easternmost part of the longhouse, the site on which the older church from the 11th century still remained in 1131, should not have taken place until the end of the 11th century. But during the decades immediately before and after the middle of the century, most of the sculptural decoration has certainly been added and the abside exterior is completed. Although a lot of sculptures must be considered to have been lost over time, most of it remains from this time. Most are in their originally intended locations, such as the pictures of the preserved portals and the capital of the longhouse, but much has also been changed. This includes, for example. the notable lion and seraph sculptures of the Northern Transept and the reliefs found in the Cathedral Museum. Where these were originally found may be difficult to determine, but it is possible that they were intended for the interior of the church and marked the entrance to the Most Holy Place, to the Sanctuary. It is also possible that it was already Archbishop Absalon who moved them to their present places in connection with a reform of the cathedral, which he undertook in 1187. This would mean that the pictures were connected with a liturgy, which was then abandoned but at the same time, their expression value was so marked that they were allowed to do a new service in the church. It is perhaps no coincidence that they then got their place in the church hall, which apparently served as the Archbishop’s special chapel. Where these were originally found may be difficult to determine, but it is possible that they were intended for the interior of the church and marked the entrance to the Most Holy Place, to the Sanctuary. It is also possible that it was already Archbishop Absalon who moved them to their present places in connection with a reform of the cathedral, which he undertook in 1187. This would mean that the pictures were connected with a liturgy, which was then abandoned but at the same time, their expression value was so marked that they were allowed to do a new service in the church. It is perhaps no coincidence that they then got their place in the church hall, which apparently served as the Archbishop’s special chapel. Where these were originally found may be difficult to determine, but it is possible that they were intended for the interior of the church and marked the entrance to the Most Holy Place, to the Sanctuary. It is also possible that it was already Archbishop Absalon who moved them to their present places in connection with a reform of the cathedral, which he undertook in 1187. This would mean that the pictures were connected with a liturgy, which was then abandoned but at the same time, their expression value was so marked that they were allowed to do a new service in the church. It is perhaps no coincidence that they then got their place in the church hall, which apparently served as the Archbishop’s special chapel. It is also possible that it was already Archbishop Absalon who moved them to their present places in connection with a reform of the cathedral, which he undertook in 1187. This would mean that the pictures were connected with a liturgy, which was then abandoned but at the same time, their expression value was so marked that they were allowed to do a new service in the church. It is perhaps no coincidence that they then got their place in the church hall, which apparently served as the Archbishop’s special chapel. It is also possible that it was already Archbishop Absalon who moved them to their present places in connection with a reform of the cathedral, which he undertook in 1187. This would mean that the pictures were connected with a liturgy, which was then abandoned but at the same time, their expression value was so marked that they were allowed to do a new service in the church. It is perhaps no coincidence that they then got their place in the church hall, which apparently served as the Archbishop’s special chapel.

The understanding of the Romanesque sculpture of the church has been largely alive during most of the Middle Ages, probably not so much due to an aesthetic appreciation of it as a certain form of ability to identify the concepts it embodies. However, as recognition does not go away, the interest and care of the images also relax. Thus, already in the late Middle Ages, ornaments and sculptures, which have been in the way of necessary building alterations, should have been rendered useless. However, there could hardly have been any active destruction. One might imagine that, by analogy with what occurred in some parts of the continent, such devastation would have occurred through the Reformation. Fortunately, the cathedral was spared from here, but a multi-hundred-year maturity period met. However, neglect cannot be described as a destruction, but can almost be regarded as a result of the building’s changed function. From being the most prominent bishopric and rabbit church in the Nordic region in connection with the European church community, it was transformed, above all, into a parish church in a nation-state without overly lively contacts with European church life. In such circumstances, some parts of the church ceased to function, parts that were of prominent liturgical significance from the outset, depicted figuratively through sculpture. This, then, at best, received a curiosity value, as a deterrent from a superstitious time. From being the most prominent bishopric and rabbit church in the Nordic region in connection with the European church community, it was transformed, above all, into a parish church in a nation-state without overly lively contacts with European church life. In such circumstances, some parts of the church ceased to function, parts that were of prominent liturgical significance from the outset, depicted figuratively through sculpture. This, then, at best, received a curiosity value, as a deterrent from a superstitious time. From being the most prominent bishopric and rabbit church in the Nordic region in connection with the European church community, it was transformed, above all, into a parish church in a nation-state without overly lively contacts with European church life. In such circumstances, some parts of the church ceased to function, parts that were of prominent liturgical significance from the outset, depicted figuratively through sculpture. This, then, at best, received a curiosity value, as a deterrent from a superstitious time. picturized concretely through the sculpture. This, then, at best, received a curiosity value, as a deterrent from a superstitious time. picturized concretely through the sculpture. This, then, at best, received a curiosity value, as a deterrent from a superstitious time.

Since Skåne and Lund became Swedish in 1658, the city and the church came to be even more isolated from the outside world and towards the end of the 18th century, the unconscious came to take active expression. Some of the characters began to grieve and had a serious suggestion of the whole demise of the abyss. Fortunately, the huggeries were stopped and the demolition was prevented at the last moment. During the 19th century, the church underwent two major and very thorough restorations. They took place partly in the spirit of a newly awakened romantic mind for the me-part-time art. This did not in itself mean an understanding of its specific nature, but did contribute to an appreciation, which laid the foundation for further study. When the church today is newly restored,

In its Nordic environment, the cathedral sculpture fascinates the viewer. To a large extent, it is an alien bird here, but you soon discover how, due to a transformation during the coming decades around the middle of the 12th century, it contains a lot of universality but also hints of local origin. If you see the sculptures together, as you can see them in the pictures, you discover even more the rich shifts, and that something happens. It is not primarily a stylistic event, but a movement outside of time and space, a shaping of the inner tensions that created the image and conditioned its affinity with the building.

In reality, it is difficult to even be aware of the little relief with Adam and Eve, who sits in an arc field over the northern side ship tracks. But in this rendered image we see what happens. The summary “rocket dolls” tell themselves about the moment when they imposed themselves and us the human conditions. Eva eats from the fruit and gives Adam a bit of enthusiasm, which with a pat on the stomach seems to have already known the bitter sweet sweetness; or has he become aware of his nudity, which he tries to hide with his hand. Significantly, it is the apologetic and the woman accusing Adam of facing the spectator, while Eve turns away from him. Everything happens at once and in the same movements of two figures, who are not static but are in both rest and movement. Adam’s head and torso are fixed in his frontality, but with his legs he leaps. The figures do not move in a room or towards a target, they float, indeed almost swim in the background to which they are bound, and which constitute their sphere of existence in eternity. The depiction is universally valid by being naively alive and free from stylistically or tectonically normed conditions.

This independence and freedom from the principles of the external sense is an exception among the figure sculptures in the cathedral. From an architectural context, the plastic human image emerges. As Atlantans, the powerful figures in the south side ship serve as the bearer of the weight imposed by one of the arches of the vault. They replace the Corinthian chapter’s volutes, but they have overcome the abstract technological form through their formality and the level of activity that they express by supporting a lower wreath of acanthus leaves, the only remaining remnant of the ancient plant capital.

This sculpture still sits in its original place and still participates in the overall function for which it was initially intended. Unfortunately, this is not the case with the image of the faithful Christ and an archangel, which are kept in the cathedral museum. What place they and yet another but now lost archangel originally held in the church is not entirely known. The ignorance of this also complicates the immediate interpretation of the figures, not the interpretation of what they represent but of their significant function. The overall effect has been lost. But yet the figure of Christ is emerging as a plastic reality from the background of eternity. In the form of the incarnate God, the human image has detached itself from the superficial shadow world in which Adam and Eve lived, freed themselves from the tectonic coercion that conditioned the existence of the two Atlanteans in the lateral capitals, and took bodily form in order to elicit to the same extent the sacred figures that surrounded it. The existing color fragments give an indication of the luminous power that once emanated from the figure. Then the eyes have also been alive and granted the full activity of the form resting in the form, not the activity of the physical movement but the spiritual efficacy, boundless in the dimension of eternity from which the image also emerges as creation.

The same paradoxical union of spiritual movement and elevated rest characterizes the seraphim, who probably once surrounded Christ and the archangels. Through the covering wings, they possess an unity in themselves, an end unity that corresponds to their function in the heavenly dominion closest to the throne, only where ever present and praising but not as Christ and His archangels present and intervening in the world. We find not only a contrast in this solemn rest versus the flaming movement of pure spirituality, which the wings can sometimes convey, but also a paradox in the fact that these beings without contact with time and space seem to appear in more conspicuous plastic form than the embossed figures. This more or less circular sculptural character, however, has in the Romanesque sculpture a remarkable ability to isolate the figures, to let them not merely motion-semantically but also ideally become static in their own end unit. Not so with the relief image, which retrieves its formal and non-existent condition in the background of the active sphere of eternity, which is also conveyed to the spectator. In connection with the image of Christ and the archangel, the religiously tangible power from which the figures themselves rise, and of which they are a body, is perceived. But the background sphere can also be secretive and intangible, a residence of powers and potential forces, existing in themselves as well as in the spectator. A body of this can be found in the fee freeze at the northern decline of the crypt. Lions, dragons and snakes form in each other, they are transformed into alternating shapes as they encircle each other, emerge in uncontrollable movements from the dark background,

We do not know what is really meant by the magnificent sculptural ensemble that we find over the Northern Chapel, but a study of the relationship between the details of the images allows us to imagine an inner context. During the faithful cherub, man and animals have entered the world. The anxious human couple embrace each other in a timid but protective manner, and at their feet two lions watch as animal representatives. The small shapes have been given tangible plastic shapes in the room. They exist as tangible sculptural entities. They also exist in the world, but as the free Romanesque sculpture is closed in itself, the human couple and their animals are isolated in what is now their existence in the world. However, this instantaneous presence is not definitive. Above and around the free sculpture group, a bow with a wide relief border arches, in which the natural creation has gone towards its completion. In the artificially braided rank, from which lily palmettes, leaves and life-giving grape clusters are derived, are inserted and woven into a pattern four-footed animal, birds and a small man. They no longer represent the earthly figures whose image they borrowed but the blissful souls of heavenly paradise. The flat figures move in a breakthrough braid in which the rhythmic repetition of meeting and return of the loops gives the impression of constant life. The figures and plants do not appear to adhere to the dark background but rather to rest in it, but also to rise from it and extract its existence from the varying dark light, which transforms the tactile background into a sphere of spiritual dimension. leaves and life-giving grape clusters are removed, inserted and woven into a pattern of four-footed animals, birds and a small human being. They no longer represent the earthly figures whose image they borrowed but the blissful souls of heavenly paradise. The flat figures move in a breakthrough braid in which the rhythmic repetition of meeting and return of the loops gives the impression of constant life. The figures and plants do not appear to adhere to the dark background but rather to rest in it, but also to rise from it and extract its existence from the varying dark light, which transforms the tactile background into a sphere of spiritual dimension. leaves and life-giving grape clusters are removed, inserted and woven into a pattern of four-footed animals, birds and a small human being. They no longer represent the earthly figures whose image they borrowed but the blissful souls of heavenly paradise. The flat figures move in a breakthrough braid in which the rhythmic repetition of meeting and return of the loops gives the impression of constant life. The figures and plants do not appear to adhere to the dark background but rather to rest in it, but also to rise from it and extract its existence from the varying dark light, which transforms the tactile background into a sphere of spiritual dimension. whose image they lent without the blissful souls of heavenly paradise. The flat figures move in a breakthrough braid in which the rhythmic repetition of meeting and return of the loops gives the impression of constant life. The figures and plants do not appear to adhere to the dark background but rather to rest in it, but also to rise from it and extract its existence from the varying dark light, which transforms the tactile background into a sphere of spiritual dimension. whose image they lent without the blissful souls of heavenly paradise. The flat figures move in a breakthrough braid in which the rhythmic repetition of meeting and return of the loops gives the impression of constant life. The figures and plants do not appear to adhere to the dark background but rather to rest in it, but also to rise from it and extract its existence from the varying dark light, which transforms the tactile background into a sphere of spiritual dimension.

These images, like Christ and the angelic statues, were once found in close proximity to the central part of the church room, around and in front of the high altar. As some parts of the liturgy in this place have been a sacramental presence, the images have been symbolic representations of the forms of the transcendent existence. The representations around the inner core, which the altar formed, have been characterized by calmness and solemnity. If we move west into the church, the sculptural image world will not disappear, but it will have a different character. We have already seen how at the northern crypt the unique animal forms can be transformed into zoomorphic mixed figures of a purely imaginative nature. The mobility of these figures, as well as those of the side-ship capitals, is not calm and dignified, but dramatic and thrilling. This tendency is increased to the outer extent of the two side ship portals. The arch-ranks do not have the same calm rhythm as in the interior; creeks, leaves and animals move in waves or jerky movements, which cause the entire upper portal scope to simmer. The animals do not wander quietly among the grape clusters, but twist, rush towards each other or bite into the creeks. In this cruelty there can be no question of the same meaning as in the broad arc in the interior of the church. The completion, which is intended there, is certainly indicated in the portal archives, but it still prevails, and what we experience is precisely the efforts to reach the world, which must, however, exist as the basis for the image. The real and evil powers that try to stop man in this way have also taken a tangible shape in the demons of the collar band capital. Here the devil and his appendages are revealed in sculptural tangible form and in varying forms; the frog-like lions glare angrily at the one who is about to enter through the gate, or the man gets up around the furious head; The angels, who come riding on beasts, are not the angels of God but the devils. In the chapter that carries the portal opening surrounding the edicule, man himself is included in the fight with the beasts.

This infernal world, which stands between man and her realization of himself in the sphere of archivolts, is radically counteracted and finally defeated by the forces acting in the tympanon field’s representations. These concrete and more clear images are also the main motifs in the portals’ pictorial decoration. Symbolically, they both represent Christ, though in different forms and in different phases of the work of salvation, through which he leads man unscathed through the gate to eternal life. In the northern portal you can see Samson saving the lamb from the lion’s gap, but Samson as well as the story is merely a picture of Christ and his salvation work, already foreshadowed in the Old Testament. In the southern portal the New Testament speaks, and the Salvation Work is already completed. For those who would be rescued from the lion’s gap, Christ has sacrificed himself, and as the Lamb of God, Agnus Dei, he takes with the lifted cross rod as a sign of victory the central place in the arc. The surrounding evangelist symbols stand as proclaimers of the happenings but also as a testimony of the validity of the event over time and space.

Without presuming an intention or even an awareness of the sculptors who performed the reliefs, in these two tympanic images, as in the aforementioned reliefs, we can experience a correspondence between the sculptural form and its contents. The power and movement that the Samson image expressively wants to convey is not of a physical nature. With pristine nonchalance he effortlessly ties up the lion’s gap, and the fluttering hair braids contrast with the lion’s dormant position. Simson’s free-standing figure instead expresses the spiritual force against which the lamb seeks, and the lion’s animal-headed tail in vain goes to attack. In the tympanon of the southern portal, Agnus Dei and the Evangelist symbols are themselves at rest, but inscribed in the rounds formed by the all-encompassing vine-can; are the participants in and co-operative in the life-giving spiritual power and movement, which ultimately derives its origin from the meaning of the central image. Despite its character of symbolic Christ-making, the concrete image of Samson is a historical story in the biblical sense, taken from a given period of time. The markedly plastic shape of the figures, as we have seen in other contexts, emphasizes this image and significant isolation. An opposite tendency is evident in the second tympanum field, where the superficial relief as a pervasive mesh pattern exists through the background and in correspondence with it depicts a mystery image, sprung from reality, a presence of the supernatural, regardless of time or space. Despite its character of symbolic Christ-making, the concrete image of Samson is a historical story in the biblical sense, taken from a given period of time. The markedly plastic shape of the figures, as we have seen in other contexts, emphasizes this image and significant isolation. An opposite tendency is evident in the second tympanum field, where the superficial relief as a pervasive mesh pattern exists through the background and in correspondence with it depicts a mystery image, sprung from reality, a presence of the supernatural, regardless of time or space. Despite its character of symbolic Christ-making, the concrete image of Samson is a historical story in the biblical sense, taken from a given period of time. The markedly plastic shape of the figures, as we have seen in other contexts, emphasizes this image and significant isolation. An opposite tendency is evident in the second tympanum field, where the superficial relief as a pervasive mesh pattern exists through the background and in correspondence with it depicts a mystery image, sprung from reality, a presence of the supernatural, regardless of time or space. this image and significance isolation. An opposite tendency is evident in the second tympanum field, where the superficial relief as a pervasive mesh pattern exists through the background and in correspondence with it depicts a mystery image, sprung from reality, a presence of the supernatural, regardless of time or space. this image and significance isolation. An opposite tendency is evident in the second tympanum field, where the superficial relief as a pervasive mesh pattern exists through the background and in correspondence with it depicts a mystery image, sprung from reality, a presence of the supernatural, regardless of time or space.

The different levels of layering of the reliefs, which so effectively contribute to the significance of the Romanesque sculpture, are given a purely architectural expression in the exterior articulation of Lund’s cathedral. The high base, which encloses the inside crypt, belongs to the fixed wall body. But beyond this and from the pedestal rise in rising rhythm three arcades, which are constantly in a definite relationship with the underlying wall, while at the same time granting the architecture a gradual rise and liberation from matter. The lower floor arc consists of pilasters and semi-columns as carriers of double arches. Both joints are firmly closed to the underlying wall and, despite their release from the solid base, give an impression of load. From this weight, the following arcade floor has been liberated by the wall-bound pilasters being replaced by free columns between the chapters of which only a resiliently ascending arch. The partial liberation from the wall body, which occurred in this floor, becomes complete in the upper arcade gallery with its densely packed columns in a free space in front of the inner wall.

In this erection and liberation of purely architectural art but with a sculptural effect, the sculptures included in the chapters and collars of the arcades also participate. The function of the collar stone is to support and carry, which is also what the two goats do, which erect against each other and with the back-thrown heads with their horns seem to receive the pressure from the outgoing double arch. In the second floor’s chapters, people and on the hind legs do four-legged animals do the same service as tectonically bearing elements in the corner of the capitals. The architectural system inherited from ancient thinking, which has underpinned the entire rigorous structure, has also sculpturally left traces in such detail as the acanthus leaves on the lower part of the capitals and the chemistry and dental sectional decoration of the capitals’ cover plates;

Has this exquisite execution of architectural-sculptural articulation of a building part been of purely aesthetic significance? We have a hard time imagining that. The abyss encloses the site of the original high altar and thus manifests outwardly this central point around which the church is erected and from which it is justified. The altar is not just a supper table, it was also the tomb of Christ and above all the place of resurrection through the sacramental meaning of the Mass. One of the relics descended into the high altar of the crypt in 1123 was considered to be descended from the tomb of Christ; it is around this that the massive pedestal joins in to align with the arcades of the upper church and the actual high altar thereon, in the arcades;

In a symbolic sense, the abyss is also an imitation of the roundabout around the tomb of Christ in Jerusalem, Anastasis, the site of the original resurrection, whose memorial building as the bearer of significance conveyed the spiritual reality for which it was built. The aftermath in Lund is thus not a copy in our sense, but through tradition it may be the content of ideas that has been imitated; the artistic form, on the other hand, is genuine and created according to the special conditions of time and place. In the latter respect, it is no less remarkable that, on the outskirts of then-Christian Europe, the absurd added among its peers in southern countries stands as one of the most beautiful creations in terms of both shape quality and significant expressive power.

When the monumental stone sculpture made its entrance into Lund’s cathedral, there was no equivalent in this rural countryside to this continually inspired Romanesque visual art. What existed were the erected stones with their Viking-era visual world, easily carved portal scopes at some of the many wooden churches as well as possibly a single stone relief on the earliest stone churches. These latter reliefs, in their stylistic form, must still have been strongly inspired by the style pattern of the older tradition. The situation was radically changed through the advent of the Archbishop’s Church. A previously unknown monumental image and form world made its entry into the Nordic environment. Here, however, it did not develop along the lines it would have followed in its native environment but instead became an enriching incentive for sculptural activity, which spread across the landscape and even beyond its borders. In this process, other impulses co-existed with domestic traditions. Even within the framework of the cathedral, in some places it is possible to discern how this later in the form of, for example. complicated animal trails with typically Nordic animal head endings have enriched the borrowed forms towards new sculptural life.

The influence of the Lundian sculpture on the countryside has, except in a few exceptional cases, not been direct. It has been pre-formation for the emergence of e.g. freely sculpted lion figures, but there are no slavish copies. The Lundian lion possesses something of a “naturalistic” suspense and pristine for its bearing function. From Tryde church is preserved a lion, who had the same function. It has, however, grown together with the base of the column it has carried, into a powerful block of sculptural action in itself.

Although the majority of rural Romanesque stone sculpture in its diversity and variety had no or little direct contact with the Lundian mold world, it is thus not said that the cathedral would not have any significance for its creation. The sculpture in the Skåne country churches would certainly not have exhibited such a multifaceted wealth, unless the cathedral existed as a stimulating factor, and as such it has played the greatest role for the Scanian visual arts in general.

At the cathedral building, sculptors have worked not only to acquire foreigners but, after all, with a high probability, also domestic labor. In this way, the building hut became a real melting pot for the rich sculptural development that the Skåne of the 1100s showed. We could imagine that such a Scanian master was responsible for the execution of, for example. the initiated but never completed relief found at the entrance to the Northern Transept Chapel. It may constitute the final vignette of this reasoning text. In the continuation of the figures, which you can imagine outside the picture area, is a hint of all the sculptures that exist, but which could not be accommodated within the framework of the book. The only contour sketch in the lower right corner gives an image of the character in this text. And in the two interconnected animals, which the Romanesque stone master never had the opportunity to complete, we see a reference to progressive creation, which was not only the task of the stone master but also ours, in which we, with activated consciousness again and with different aspects, experience the visual world that has been left to us from the century, which for Skåne has been in its spiritual sense richest and most vital.

Good art is always national. National art is always bad Harald Giersing

Just as the framework of ancient civilizations is being broken today to give way to a world culture, the same thing is happening in art. From the one-sided pursuit of European art and European artistic vision, what has been called modern art development has opened up to a universal art vision that contradicts a world art and to the extent that one could wish to extend Giersing’s thinking and find that good art is always universal, but universal art is always bad. By the latter is meant the cosmopolitanism that deliberately installs itself as being universal.

If Nordic art was European in its entirety then this series of art books would have long since been published. But now the relationship is that it owns a dual being that is both European and not European. The difficulty lies in clarifying its relationship with, on the one hand, the European and, on the other, the universal in its being. If the European view of art was chosen as a gauge of value, then this art would simply appear as a subordinate peripheral species of an art development whose center begins in the Mediterranean. This has been unsuccessfully attempted. But if you chose the opposite, and claimed a completely isolated and absolutely independent Nordic art development, then this would again at best be reduced to a poor presentation, and at worst be a fraud. We must remain in the tension between the universal, the Nordic and the European throughout our description, and it is this difficult art that I hope to be able to successfully practice in the hope of giving a new grant to the world of art.

If one wants to reach a final crucial distinction of the object of one’s examination, it is first necessary to possess a number of instruments capable of working with the sharpest precision. The words are the instruments by which one describes. To seem precise, the words must cover a unambiguous meaning, what one calls a term. Therefore, for the sake of a good result, we need to clarify certain basic concepts for our work, where these are taken in their most pointed sense.

The view of art that we have inherited from the Latin-European cultural circle, which until a hundred years ago was the dominant one, is taken from the view of political, social and cultural phenomena based on literary historicalism. Classical writing of history in the strictest sense, and this also applies to art history, bases its investigations on the contemporary records of historical events in relation to which the substance is explained. In this way, the substance is not only bound to certain events, but is also explained from the places and times, from the viewpoints from which contemporary history writing has taken place. Until Saxo Grammaticus wrote his Danish history, typically in Latin, only the Greeks and Romans wrote history, also about Scandinavia.

If this material is used as the basis for a Nordic history of art, it will emerge as a provincial and meaningless species of South-East European and Oriental art flows without active influence on ordinary art development in Europe. But the concept of provincialism itself makes no sense whatsoever if one does not agree that the essentials of art at any given time take place in particular radiation centers. The fact that such radiation centers actually exist and can form the basis for a coherent explanation of art development does not prevent other modes of description from being possible and fruitful.

No one would think of calling the South Sea Islands art provincial. Should this word have a precise meaning, it must cover a peripheral enterprise as part of a centralized economic, technical and social entity, of a state formation such as the Romans. The contradiction here is clear between the provincial-Roman art and the Nordic in the period of migration.

In the last century, as a counterpart to the theory of provincialism in European unity, nationalism was also resumed as an artistic value. With the nation-state, however, the contradiction between the capital and the province was merely achieved by contradiction within the national framework. It is typical for the Nordic countries that the most universally tuned artists and writers during this period were increasingly opposed to the capitals. It is in this spiritual homeland movement, a rejection of the contradiction between national and European, that this work has its richly worked foundation.

Classical history writing must give up where there are no literary sources in relation to which it can unfold its subject. Since virtually all of the area we are addressing here is strictly ahistorical, it is necessary to treat it on the basis of completely different principles, methods and structures. Over the last hundred years, these have accumulated in the science known as archaeology. Literary history writing explains the memories of the past from the sources written. Archeology writes its history directly from conclusions about the inner context of the ancient monuments itself, and thus follows the inverse interaction. History writing is an intermediary between art and science. Archaeology cannot afford to be. On the other hand, archeology remains hypothetical in its combinations of phenomena, where literary history allows itself to be asserted and pinned down, though as an expression of the interests underlying the desire to preserve the account of a particular event seen with particular eyes. If archaeological scientists agree on the authenticity of a foundation, if this contradicts written accounts, then the latter are considered false or distorted, since the object does not have the same opportunity to lie as the word.

Incidents and occurrences are the focal points of literary history. But these can never have any clear archaeological meaning. Archaeological research can clarify time, place and species, but is in itself an eventless shadowland. The incidental connection to literary historical writing places Nordic art in a peculiar half-light, where fragments appear here and there, and incidentally leaves the observer to fantasize about the rest. These are the conditions under which these books must necessarily be assembled.

The context that archaeology can provide is based on the study of the evolution of the most normal types, that is, the repetition of uniformity and variation. Using this material, the chronological order of time as well as the geographical movements in space can be described and assembled into stratigraphic overall images. Where an object cannot be inserted in a traditional course, it must be labeled as an archaeological foreign object until the context in which it naturally fits has been found.

Now, it is simply unfortunate that the artistic experience, which must be the purpose of the publication of art books, can have only a very limited interest in the main subject of archeology; yes because the artistic experience lies precisely in the encounter with the unique and the extraordinary, can be directly distracted by the archaeological major in its relation to the normal and typical. This means that the archaeologists who write these art books are forced to place themselves outside their central subject area to give us precisely the information we need here for purely artistic reasons.

Where the archaeologist compiles his material is to gain and clarify the recognition of a deeper historical context. Of course, this cannot be the purpose of art books, which must seek to emphasize the particular artistic value and being of the individual object itself.

When, with a certain serenity, I dare make this supreme requirement for Nordic archaeologists, I take pride in the knowledge that there is already such an extensive archaeological literature prepared by the Nordic researchers in our field that it is possible for them everywhere as well to satisfy the urge for a knowledge that is not directly tied to the immediate archaeological methodology.

Instead of inventing an imagined art history of literary touch, we have then attempted to produce a divided collaboration between a purely artistic approach to the subject through poetry, image choice and set-up, and a purely scientifically justified text to achieve Synthesis through this collaboration.

The tradition-based repetitions, which are usually called culture, turn into unbearable emptiness and monotonous routine, if they are not discouraged through the changing wealth of art. This inner contradiction between art and culture creates the latent tension of the substance we have here for us. This tension was abolished in the Greco-Roman cultural circle, which formed the basis for the civilization of modern industrial cities by dissolving the link between the standardized stereotype of practical production and the isolated work of art. From this endeavor, the corresponding classical aesthetic, which sees and describes the work of art in “splendid isolation”, was designed as an independent formal whole. This aesthetic is also useless as a yardstick for Nordic art, where art is absorbed in social, practical and human functionality, as a kind of spiritual accompaniment to life. The task of isolating the individual artwork from the typological, the traditional and the functional can therefore here never be absolute if the picture is to be truthful.

The breakthrough of industrialism in the early part of the last century was aided by the classic aesthetic, which has increasingly isolated the world of art from its practical and technical development. But it seems to me that these developments today have reached such a high degree of perfection that one begins to appreciate art forms with a more intimate connection to life, without having to risk an attack on the independence of art. An issue that sets one or the other of these art forms as the highest or the lowest today seems rather useless. It answers questions as absurd as the problem of whether an hour is worth more than a meter. Instead of the traditional hierarchy of values ​​that arises in this area by a rather superficial simplification,

Thus, when it is the archaeological method followed in this series of books, it is not because of a special sympathy for traditionalism in art, but on the basis of a purely factual acknowledgment that it is the only scientific foundation that can be laid for an exploration of this more or less ahistorical art. When the Nordic art development is so suitable for an explanation through archaeological typology that it is the Nordic research that has built up the first basic elements of this science, it is primarily because Scandinavia has never held a provincial position in relation to to foreign superpowers, and never since the Stone Age has been subjected to immigrant people who could form new and more complex social changes.

This is again because it is a new and inhospitable country that first emerged from the ice sheet ten thousand years ago, and therefore must be regarded as the youngest country with the oldest people in Europe. Just as much havoc the Scandinavians are said to have made in other countries’ historical course, equally stagnant and uneventful in relation to the great upheavals elsewhere, life seems to have progressed in this harsh climate, from which a stream of people spread to such an extent; that Tacitus referred to it as a human uterus. It is this barbaric view of the Norse people that we will seek to change through this work.

Precisely the close connection between art and culture has produced in the Nordic countries what one can call a fine artistic culture, a great appreciation of art, what one can see from the many smaller-sized art objects brought from abroad by foreign people in prehistoric times, and in between even a Chinese Buddha figure has found its place. In the same way, one must explain the overwhelming amounts of domestic artistic memories that have been preserved and protected in Scandinavia, of which the reproductions in this series are just a part. As easy as one can underestimate the artistic culture, however, it is equally easy to overestimate the one that is particularly inclined to in Scandinavia and the United States, for the artistic culture is not at all about the creative artist, nor the artistic creation process. It is purely a cultivation in the fussy unit of artistic enjoyment, of the demands of art, but is barren indeed and can be directly hostile to any artistic renewal. The artistic culture in the Nordic countries is therefore difficult to find expression in the artistic process of creation in the Nordic countries. The folk tale of the artist troll Fin originated in Old Norse mythology and expresses a typical situation in Nordic art development. Whether this is a real shortcoming or advantage should be left unsaid. The great efforts of Northern European scientists and collectors in the art of Mediterranean art are certainly an extremely positive result of this love of art. but being barren yes can be directly hostile to any artistic renewal. The artistic culture in the Nordic countries is therefore difficult to find expression in the artistic process of creation in the Nordic countries. The folk tale of the artist troll Fin originated in Old Norse mythology and expresses a typical situation in Nordic art development. Whether this is a real shortcoming or advantage should be left unsaid. The great efforts of Northern European scientists and collectors in the art of Mediterranean art are certainly an extremely positive result of this love of art. but being barren yes can be directly hostile to any artistic renewal. The artistic culture in the Nordic countries is therefore difficult to find expression in the artistic process of creation in the Nordic countries. The folk tale of the artist troll Fin originated in Old Norse mythology and expresses a typical situation in Nordic art development. Whether this is a real shortcoming or advantage should be left unsaid. The great efforts of Northern European scientists and collectors in the art of Mediterranean art are certainly an extremely positive result of this love of art. The folk tale of the artist troll Fin originated in Old Norse mythology and expresses a typical situation in Nordic art development. Whether this is a real shortcoming or advantage should be left unsaid. The great efforts of Northern European scientists and collectors in the art of Mediterranean art are certainly an extremely positive result of this love of art. The folk tale of the artist troll Fin originated in Old Norse mythology and expresses a typical situation in Nordic art development. Whether this is a real shortcoming or advantage should be left unsaid. The great efforts of Northern European scientists and collectors in the art of Mediterranean art are certainly an extremely positive result of this love of art.

Unfortunately, whether art-theoretical historism is formalistic as in Lionello Venturi’s principles or symbolistic as in Irwin Panofsky’s iconology, it unfortunately always ends up in an attack on contemporary art, because it fails to meet the values ​​norms that history finds in the past and is considered by many to be eternally valid . Some call them objective.

It seems to me to be a logical conclusion that an art conception that needs to systematically disprove its contemporary art a value in order to assert itself, thereby necessarily revealing a misjudgment or restriction, which must also take into account the material that is assessed by theory highest.

A progressive development of the Nordic art vision, as will be revealed as this series of books is available, will, if I hope not come to shame, be able to fill the gap in the artistic description that these two excellent theorists have been forced to leave alone to be able to shape their discipline within a coherent logic. As a starting point for such a third art exhibition complementary to these, I intend to use the considerations of Danish art historian Julius Lange. I hope through this grant to the theory of art to reach a theoretical affirmation also of the free artistic expression today and into the future, and to reach a realization of the efforts by which Whistler in his time fruitioned the modern art development.

There was a break in the development of art when we came to the phenomenon that is usually referred to as modern art, and which first completely and completely broke through with Whistler and the Impressionists. From the belief that art has its purpose in itself, and in nothing but itself, art is thereby liberated as an independent enterprise from its serving social, political, historical, scientific and technical function.

In this development, so far, all emphasis has been placed on the release of the artwork as an independent object or on the artist as an independent personality. But it seems to me that both of these liberations simply lead to the isolation and increasing struggle of the artist and the artist, where an empty play of formal technique or the tragic fate of the individual becomes the sole content of art, unless a third side of this liberation is emphasized. But this requires understanding a distinction between what one calls the purpose and what is the end goal. If art is its own end goal, then it can never have a purpose to strive for, not even itself. But if art has no purpose in itself, this does not prevent many non-artistic companies from seeking its purpose in art.

If you say that art does not have its ultimate goal in itself, but in the end is the end goal of all human enterprise but not its purpose, then you simply express the provable fact expressed in the words Ars longa, vita brevis. If art becomes the purpose of life, the meaning of life itself is reduced to the preparation of an immortal memorial. If, on the other hand, you perceive art as a form of life in accordance with Johannes Holbek, then the art itself contains a life requirement, then the art that is spoken of in “The Speech of the High” is the aftermath that never dies. If the work of art is thus a Nordic way of life, then it is also a form that only reveals its truth in the moment it has engulfed the life that has created it, which thus prevents the opportunity to appreciate an artistic development until that moment. this is stopped and executed. Nowhere in the world does one know such a respectful and absolutely neutral waiting attitude towards the artistic process as in the Nordic countries. Therefore, whether it is a gift immersed in the darkness of the moss or rendered on high as in ancient times or created in modern settings, it is characterized by an irrevocable act of sacrifice, which is why no account can be made, of a meaningless surprise to which we has no other expression than what one calls the gift of grace, which, in its heavy and clumsy manner, expresses what one can, in Southern ease, unite in the concept of grace. There must be three of them. We already know the two. This is the third we have now started hunting. be it a gift immersed in the darkness of the moss or made high as in ancient times or created in modern settings, characterized by an irrevocable act of sacrifice, why no account can be made, of a meaningless surprise to which we have no other expression than what one calls the gift of grace, which, in its heavy and clumsy way, expresses what can be reconciled in the concept of grace in southern ease. There must be three of them. We already know the two. This is the third we have now started hunting. be it a gift immersed in the darkness of the moss or made high as in ancient times or created in modern settings, characterized by an irrevocable act of sacrifice, why no account can be made, of a meaningless surprise to which we have no other expression than what one calls the gift of grace, which, in its heavy and clumsy way, expresses what can be reconciled in the concept of grace in southern ease. There must be three of them. We already know the two. This is the third we have now started hunting. who expresses, in his heavy and clumsy way, what can be unified in the concept of gratie in Southern ease. There must be three of them. We already know the two. This is the third we have now started hunting. who expresses, in his heavy and clumsy way, what can be unified in the concept of gratie in Southern ease. There must be three of them. We already know the two. This is the third we have now started hunting.

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Asger Jorn